- Despite the multifaceted personality of Henry Kissinger and the chequered brilliance in strategic affairs, his prognosis, diagnosis and prophecy of world politics always will remain relevant in the discourses on international affairs.
- He is indeed, a prominent figure in American foreign policy, who has left a complex and enduring legacy.
- Kissinger without a Nobel Peace Prize, would have had greater value, rather than with the Nobel Peace Prize, as he was never a peace diplomat but always remained a war and conflict diplomat.
- From an anti-Indian worldview to a pro-communist alliance with China, the Early years of Kissinger’s legacy have been marred with anti-third world viewpoints and strategic policy measures.
Being the world’s most popular diplomat, Henry Kissinger is perhaps one of the most celebrated, contested as well as detested diplomats in the world with several shades of personality being intrinsically intertwined with his engagement in world politics. With his passing away, the last intellectual patriarch of the Cold War era has officially said good riddance, from the domains of international relations, and strategic and defence studies. From an anti-Indian worldview to a pro-communist alliance with China, the Early years of Kissinger’s legacy have been marred with anti-third world viewpoints and strategic policy measures. His scholarly works such as on diplomacy on China and the world order have had a significant impact on the evolution of academic literature in international relations, which is to date being celebrated learnt and understood by thousands of research scholars, students professors and practitioners of foreign policy and diplomacy.
Kissinger was born Heinz Alfred Kissinger in Germany, in the year 1923. After the Nazi party, led by Adolf Hitler, captured power, state-sanctioned anti-Semitism created hostile conditions for the Kissinger family to live there, as they were Jewish. In 1938, his family immigrated to the United States and settled down in New York, and Kissinger’s name was changed to Henry. During World War II, Kissinger became a naturalized citizen and served in the U.S. Army as a German interpreter. After the war ended, he enrolled in Harvard University and earned a B.A. degree in 1950 followed by a Ph.D. in 1954. He stayed at Harvard to join the faculty and in 1957 he became the Associate Director of Harvard’s Department of Government and Centre for International Affairs.
He is indeed, a prominent figure in American foreign policy, who has left a complex and enduring legacy. Serving as National Security Advisor and later as Secretary of State under Presidents Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford, Kissinger played a pivotal role in shaping U.S. foreign relations during the tumultuous era of the Cold War. Henry Kissinger’s “The Art of Diplomacy” delves into the intricacies of diplomatic negotiations, drawing upon his vast experience as a statesman. In this work, Kissinger provides valuable insights into the craft of negotiation, emphasizing the importance of strategy, cultural understanding, and patience.
One key aspect highlighted is the need for a nuanced approach to international relations, acknowledging the diverse interests and perspectives of different nations. Kissinger’s exploration of real-world examples, including his own experiences as a diplomat, adds a practical dimension to the theoretical aspects of negotiation. Kissinger’s realpolitik approach emphasized pragmatism over ideology, seeking to balance power dynamics in global affairs. His most notable achievement was the opening of diplomatic relations with the People’s Republic of China in 1972, a strategic move that altered the geopolitical landscape and contributed to the eventual thawing of the Cold War.
However, Kissinger’s legacy is not without controversy. His involvement in the secret bombing campaign in Cambodia during the Vietnam War and the U.S.-backed coup in Chile in 1973 drew criticism for ethical and moral reasons. The use of covert operations and realpolitik sometimes clashed with democratic values and human rights principles, leading to debates about the morality of his actions.
Furthermore, Kissinger’s role in the protracted negotiations to end the Vietnam War, culminating in the Paris Peace Accords in 1973, remains a subject of scrutiny. While hailed as a diplomatic achievement, questions persist about the prolonged suffering caused by the war and whether an earlier resolution was possible.
In the aftermath of his political career, Kissinger continued to be a prolific writer and commentator on global affairs. His influence extended beyond government service, as he contributed to shaping academic discourse on international relations. However, his writings also sparked debates about the ethical considerations of his policy decisions and their long-term consequences.
Furthermore, Kissinger's role in the protracted negotiations to end the Vietnam War, culminating in the Paris Peace Accords in 1973, remains a subject of scrutiny.
Kissinger’s legacy is one of both strategic brilliance and ethical ambiguity. His diplomatic achievements are undeniable, yet the methods employed in pursuing national interests have generated enduring criticism. The balance between pragmatism and moral values, a hallmark of his foreign policy approach, continues to be a source of reflection and debate in discussions about U.S. foreign relations.
Kissinger as a renowned diplomat and political theorist, has made significant contributions to the field of international relations through his books, including “World Order,” “On China,” and “Diplomacy.”
- World Order
In “World Order,” Kissinger explores the historical evolution of the international system and the concept of order in global politics. He delves into the tensions between different civilizations and the challenges of establishing a stable world order. Kissinger’s nuanced analysis provides insights into the complexities of maintaining peace and stability on a global scale, considering the interplay of cultural, historical, and political factors.
- On China
“On China” is a comprehensive examination of China’s history, culture, and role in the world. Kissinger draws on his firsthand experiences as a key player in the opening of U.S.-China relations. The book delves into the strategic thinking of Chinese leaders and the historical context that has shaped China’s approach to diplomacy. Kissinger’s unique perspective offers readers a deep understanding of the intricacies of the U.S.-China relationship.
- On Diplomacy
In “Diplomacy,” Kissinger provides a historical overview of diplomacy as a tool of statecraft. He analyzes the strategies and tactics employed by key diplomatic figures throughout history and explores the balance between power and diplomacy. The book is a reflection on the art and practice of international negotiation, offering valuable insights for diplomats, policymakers, and anyone interested in the dynamics of global affairs. The book underscores the significance of understanding the historical context and cultural nuances that shape diplomatic interactions. Kissinger emphasizes the role of personal relationships in diplomacy, showcasing the impact of trust and rapport on the success of negotiations. Furthermore, “The Art of Diplomacy” addresses the delicate balance between power and diplomacy, stressing the importance of leveraging strength judiciously to achieve diplomatic objectives without resorting to unnecessary conflict. Kissinger’s insights into the complexities of navigating international relations offer readers a deeper understanding of the challenges and opportunities inherent in diplomatic negotiations.
Overall, Henry Kissinger’s books contribute significantly to the understanding of international relations, offering readers a blend of historical analysis, geopolitical insights, and strategic thinking. His writings continue to be influential in shaping discussions on diplomacy, world order, and the evolving role of major powers in the contemporary global landscape.
Kissinger was a strong supporter of the Pakistani establishment in the Cold War era, and at one point had ensured that Pakistan got access to high-end US military equipment and defence technology, as a part of an aid programme that was covertly designed to subdue India and severe it’s ties with the Soviet Union. A few sources in the US establishment believe that a strategic military supply agreement was covertly signed in the year 1970 between the USA and Pakistan. It was specifically aimed to supply the latest tanks, artillery and the newly developed weapon systems to Pakistan, to curb Indian influence in the region, which would have led to the rise of a permanently destabilized South Asia. And of course, the mastermind behind these geostrategic intersectional ploys was Henry Kissinger. However, it is said that due to the severe opposition posed by the US Congress, none of these vociferous and ominous plans ever succeeded in getting a nod of clearance. The US establishment at large curtailed the close strategic ties with Pakistan because, even then, the trust element in the state and nature of the Pakistanis was murky.
Kissinger was a strong supporter of the Pakistani establishment in the Cold War era, and at one point had ensured that Pakistan got access to high-end US military equipment and defence technology, as a part of an aid programme that was covertly designed to subdue India and severe it’s ties with the Soviet Union.
But, as and when the Cold War ended and world politics turned into a unipolar world, India slowly and steadily rebuilt its severed ties with the USA, and agreed to inculcate close strategic ties with the American establishment. As a result of a series of dialogues and diplomatic engagement, most members of the American power elite, including Kissinger, developed a positive opinion of India, and started to consider India as a key strategic player in the Asian pivot. Henry Kissinger, although was not apologetic about his previous position, which was both anti-Indian and misogynistic, did acknowledge the growing relevance of India, in the geopolitical power dynamics. In his last years, Kissinger believed that only through India’s geopolitical dominance, the Chinese hegemony be effectively curbed, and in essence, he started to push the agenda of promoting India in the American strategic circles for paving the way to the rise of the Asian pivot. Despite this effort to understand India, Kissinger cannot be forgiven for the massive strategic blunders he committed, not just against India, but also against the “futile third world” that he always looked down upon.
Ultimately, the world would continue with stride, strife and rife, involving in the eternal complexities of geopolitical engagements, estrangements and entanglements, shaping its orders and disorders, with the rise and fall of global powers. But we must remember that geopolitical and diplomatic icons like Henry Kissinger, are rare to find. Despite the multifaceted personality that he had and the chequered brilliance he portrayed in strategic affairs and strategic studies, his prognosis, diagnosis and prophecy of world politics always will remain relevant in the discourses of international affairs. Finally, it would be befitting to mention that Kissinger without the Nobel Peace Prize, would have had greater value, rather than with the Nobel Peace Prize, he was never a peace diplomat but always remained a war and conflict diplomat.
References
- Starr, Harvey. “The Kissinger Years: Studying Individuals and Foreign Policy.” International Studies Quarterly, vol. 24, no. 4, 1980, pp. 465–96. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/2600286.
- BEISNER, ROBERT L. “History and Henry Kissinger.” Diplomatic History, vol. 14, no. 4, 1990, pp. 511–27. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/24912060.
- Pero, Mario Del. The Eccentric Realist: Henry Kissinger and the Shaping of American Foreign Policy. 1st ed., Cornell University Press, 2010. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7591/j.ctt7zd72.
- STARR, HARVEY. Henry Kissinger: Perceptions of International Politics. University Press of Kentucky, 1984. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt130hvv4.
- Windsor, Philip. “Henry Kissinger’s Scholarly Contribution.” British Journal of International Studies, vol. 1, no. 1, 1975, pp. 27–37. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/20096726.
(The author has an MA in International Relations. Views expressed are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the views of SamvadaWorld)