- China is simultaneously modernising its military, increasing pressure around Taiwan, expanding its military presence in the Indo-Pacific and maintaining a significant military posture along its border with India.
- The significance of their removal lies not simply in the rank of the two generals, but in what it says about the scale of the transformation taking place inside China’s military establishment.
- Taken together, however, they form part of a much wider restructuring of China’s political, economic and military institutions under Xi Jinping.
- At a time when China’s military power is expanding rapidly, the central question is therefore not simply how strong the PLA is becoming, but what kind of military Xi Jinping is attempting to build—and how closely that military will ultimately be tied to his vision of political and strategic control.
In a major shift within the Chinese People’s Liberation Army, General Zhang Youxia, one of the most powerful figures in the PLA and the former Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission, has become the latest and perhaps the most significant figure caught up in President Xi Jinping’s military purge. Zhang was expelled from the Communist Party and the military along with General Liu Zhenli, the former Chief of the Joint Staff Department of the Central Military Commission. Chinese authorities have accused both men of serious violations of discipline and law, including corruption, political disloyalty and forming factions.
The significance of their removal lies not simply in the rank of the two generals, but in what it says about the scale of the transformation taking place inside China’s military establishment. Zhang was widely regarded as one of Xi Jinping’s closest military allies and was among the few senior Chinese commanders with actual combat experience. His removal therefore raises questions that go beyond an ordinary anti-corruption investigation.
The PLA has already seen the removal of several senior figures, including former Defence Ministers Li Shangfu and Wei Fenghe, former Rocket Force commander Li Yuchao, former Central Military Commission Equipment Development Department chief Xu Xueqiang, former Western Theatre Command political commissar Li Fengbiao and former PLA Air Force political commissar Guo Puxiao. General He Weidong, another former Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission, was also removed.
The scale of these developments raises a fundamental question: what exactly is happening inside China? Is Xi Jinping attempting to restructure the PLA according to his political and strategic priorities, strengthening his control over the military? Or is Beijing confronting a deeper problem of corruption that has penetrated one of the country’s most important institutions?
From Corruption to Political Control
If we accept the allegations made by Chinese authorities at face value, the situation represents a serious problem of corruption within one of the most powerful organisations in China. If senior commanders were able to manipulate promotions, abuse procurement systems and establish networks of influence, this could potentially compromise China’s military readiness and national security.
The issue became particularly visible with the PLA Rocket Force, one of China’s most strategically sensitive organisations because it controls the country’s conventional and nuclear missile forces. Investigations into senior Rocket Force commanders and military procurement officials raised questions about corruption within the wider military-industrial complex.
The same pattern has appeared beyond the military. Xi Jinping’s rise to power has been accompanied by an extensive campaign of political and institutional restructuring across China. Major private enterprises, including Alibaba, have faced greater regulatory and political scrutiny, while senior officials in the diplomatic establishment have also been removed. One of the most prominent examples was former Foreign Minister Qin Gang. Qin was appointed foreign minister in December 2022 but disappeared from public view in 2023 and was removed from the position in July that year. Wang Yi subsequently returned to the foreign-ministerial position, while Qin was later removed from the Central Committee. Beijing did not publicly provide a detailed explanation for his removal.
The case of former Defence Minister Li Shangfu followed a similar pattern. Li disappeared from public view in 2023 and was subsequently removed from office amid an investigation into corruption. His predecessor, Wei Fenghe, was later expelled from the Communist Party.Taken individually, these cases can be explained through corruption investigations or disciplinary action. Taken together, however, they form part of a much wider restructuring of China’s political, economic and military institutions under Xi Jinping.
Why Zhang Youxia’s Removal Matters
Zhang Youxia’s removal is particularly significant because he was not simply another general caught in an anti-corruption campaign. He occupied one of the highest positions in China’s military hierarchy and had long been regarded as politically close to Xi. The allegations against Zhang and Liu are also notable because they go beyond financial misconduct. Chinese authorities have accused them of political violations, including forming factions and acting disloyally towards the Party. Such accusations strike directly at one of the central principles of Xi’s rule: maintaining the Communist Party’s absolute control over the military.
This brings us to the first possible explanation.If the allegations are substantially accurate, Xi is confronting a serious institutional problem. Corruption at senior levels of the PLA could affect military procurement, promotions, operational readiness and the reliability of China’s defence establishment.
But there is a second possibility: the campaign is also about political control.
Is Xi Jinping Eliminating Factions?
The Communist Party of China has historically been deeply concerned about factionalism. In an authoritarian political system, control over political networks and institutional power is crucial. Even when officials belong to the same party, competing networks and personal loyalties can become important sources of influence. This dynamic has become increasingly important under Xi Jinping, who has sought to centralise authority around his leadership while weakening networks that could potentially challenge his influence.
The pattern was visible during the 20th Party Congress in 2022, when former President Hu Jintao was unexpectedly escorted out of the closing session. Beijing attributed the incident to Hu’s health and the circumstances of the proceedings, while the episode generated considerable international speculation.The military restructuring therefore raises a fundamental question: is Xi simply attempting to eliminate corruption, or is he also using the campaign to reshape the PLA around a leadership structure that is more politically reliable and directly aligned with his authority?
The removal of Zhang makes this question particularly important. If even a senior figure with longstanding ties to Xi can be removed and accused of political disloyalty, the campaign demonstrates the extent to which political discipline has become central to the leadership of the PLA.
India, Taiwan and the Wider Strategic Consequences
There is also an important India dimension.
General Zhao Zongqi, who previously commanded China’s Western Theatre Command, has also been removed from political positions. Zhao commanded the Western Theatre Command during the 2017 Doklam standoff and the 2020 escalation that culminated in the Galwan Valley clash. His removal is therefore significant for India because the Western Theatre Command oversees China’s military posture along the India-China border. However, it would be premature to conclude that Zhao was removed specifically because of Galwan. Beijing has not publicly established such a connection, and independent analysis has cautioned against making that assumption.
The broader list of senior figures affected by China’s military restructuring includes Zhang Youxia, Liu Zhenli, He Weidong, Li Shangfu, Wei Fenghe, Li Yuchao, Xu Xueqiang, Li Fengbiao, Guo Puxiao and Zhao Zongqi, among others.
What makes the current situation particularly important is that the restructuring has reached the highest levels of China’s military command. The removal of senior commanders creates questions about leadership continuity, strategic decision-making and the quality of military advice reaching Xi Jinping.
At the same time, it would be premature to conclude that the PLA has been brought to a standstill. China’s military remains operational, and the restructuring may ultimately be intended to create a leadership structure that Beijing considers more disciplined and politically reliable.
The timing, however, is important.
China is simultaneously modernising its military, increasing pressure around Taiwan, expanding its military presence in the Indo-Pacific and maintaining a significant military posture along its border with India. A prolonged restructuring of senior military leadership therefore creates uncertainty at a particularly sensitive moment.
For Taiwan, the question is how the transformation of the PLA’s senior leadership could affect China’s future military planning.
For India, the removal of senior figures associated with the Western Theatre Command warrants close attention because that command is responsible for China’s military posture along the disputed border. And for the wider East Asian strategic environment, the central question is whether Xi Jinping is accepting short-term disruption in order to build a more politically controlled and centralised military in the longer term.
Whatever the ultimate explanation, the current developments represent more than a series of isolated corruption cases. They involve corruption, military procurement, institutional restructuring, political discipline, factional politics and the continued centralisation of authority under Xi Jinping. The consequences could extend well beyond China’s domestic politics. They may influence how Beijing approaches Taiwan, how the PLA manages its border with India, how China interacts with the United States and how the balance of power evolves across East Asia.
At a time when China’s military power is expanding rapidly, the central question is therefore not simply how strong the PLA is becoming, but what kind of military Xi Jinping is attempting to build—and how closely that military will ultimately be tied to his vision of political and strategic control.
Kumar Satish is a postgraduate in International Relations with a keen interest in reading and writing on geopolitical affairs.
Anjali Singh 
Archita Gaur