- Modi and Trump’s meeting strengthened U.S.-India ties, focusing on trade, defence, and strategic cooperation.
- India faces a dilemma—supporting U.S. Indo-Pacific security while avoiding direct conflict with China.
- Closer U.S.-India defence ties complicate India’s longstanding military partnership with Russia.
- Both nations agreed on counterterrorism efforts, including the extradition of Mumbai attack suspect Tahawwur Rana.
Yesterday, Prime Minister Modi met with President Trump and it was their first meeting after President Trump’s inauguration to the presidency. Perhaps more significantly, Prime Minister Modi became the fifth head of a nation to see President Trump following his inauguration, testifying to how important the visit was. This visit was eagerly awaited because of the sheer magnitude of the relationship between the United States and India. There was also a lot of talk around this meeting, especially since President Trump announced the reciprocal trade policy on the same day Prime Minister Modi was in Washington. Time and again, Trump has accused India of having high tariffs, and called it a nation that practices “tariff abuse.” This put more weight on the meeting. Nevertheless, the talks were successful, and there was a plethora of agreements and understandings reached on issues such as defence, foreign policy, and other bilateral issues.
Trade was one of the most urgent issues on the agenda—a longstanding area of contention. Trump has never hesitated to rail against what he perceives as unequal trade practices, often labelling India the “tariff king” because of its relatively high tariffs on U.S. goods such as automobiles, farm products, and electronics. Modi, nevertheless, stood up for India’s policies, saying these tariffs are needed to safeguard domestic industries and promote domestic manufacturing under the “Make in India” program. The truth is otherwise. While reducing tariffs may seem attractive on paper, a completely reciprocal trade system would hurt India’s economy, with small and medium-sized enterprises finding it difficult to compete with giant American companies. For India, the dilemma is in finding the proper balance—opening its markets sufficiently to stimulate growth without losing safeguards that keep it from becoming too dependent on foreign economies.
Both leaders, despite their differences, were ready to compromise. India committed to upping its buying of American oil and liquefied natural gas—a step that not only enhances trade relationships but also lowers dependence on fickle Middle Eastern producers. Negotiations also included widening India’s importation of U.S. agricultural products, though the finer points are still under discussion. Though there were no sudden breakthroughs announced, the commitment to ongoing talks is a shared acknowledgement of the significance of their economic relationship and a common preference to prevent a trade war.
Aside from trade, the summit reaffirmed the increasing defence and strategic alliance between the two countries. India’s drive for modernizing its armed forces was a focal point, with talks over the purchase of F-35 fighter aircraft and cutting-edge drone technology. More importantly, both Trump and Modi renewed their pledge to a free and open Indo-Pacific—a clear signal that China’s rising militarization of critical sea lanes is unacceptable. This isn’t about raw military power; it’s about keeping international seas open and free, not under the domination of a single country. With the U.S., India, Japan, and Australia strengthening their maritime cooperation under the Quad umbrella, Beijing is now confronted with an increasingly united and resolute opposition to its regional ambitions.
India’s Conundrum
India is backing the United States’ position regarding freedom of navigation in the Indo-Pacific, and most particularly, in the South China Sea. But what is worrying India is if the U.S. beefs up its military presence in the area, tensions could rise. This is especially important for India, as it is the sole Quad member that has a direct land border with China. Although the U.S. presence in the Indo-Pacific region is intended to counterbalance China’s influence, it may also contribute to rising tensions along India’s borders, and hence India is wary of wholeheartedly supporting a formalized Quad alliance. India feels that defending independence and stability in the Indo-Pacific is desirable, but only not at the expense of expanding its border rivalries with China. This finesse demands India to act cautiously in addressing its strategic ambitions—both as regards the U.S. but also regarding America’s military outreaches to the region.
The second major difference between Quad members is India’s approach to Russia. India is the only Quad member country that has not sanctioned Russia, especially after the Ukraine conflict. India believes that Indo-Pacific security should be the sole subject of discussion within the Quad, while the U.S., Japan, and Australia have urged discussions on wider geopolitical issues, including reactions against Russia’s actions.
With President Trump back in the presidency, everyone expects him to pursue a more assertive approach towards China. In his leadership, the Quad is likely to be even more focused on the Indo-Pacific region and less on a global strategic vision.
Implications for Russia & China
This increasing U.S.-India defence cooperation, however, adds a new dimension to India’s age-old relationship with Russia. Moscow has been India’s main defence supplier for decades, and while New Delhi has assiduously kept its relationship with both Washington and Moscow in balance, the growing presence of American military equipment may complicate this balance. Russia, for all its greater closeness with China, would not like to lose its strategic hold on India. Similarly, India has to balance this fine line—welcoming its increasing alignment with the U.S. without jeopardizing the relationship with a crucial defence and energy ally.
China, as expected, would be most discomfited by the success of this visit. Beijing has never seen India’s increasing relationship with the U.S. in a positive light, as an attempt to dilute its influence in the region. The revived emphasis on Indo-Pacific security will be viewed as a direct rebuke to Chinese influence, specifically in the South China Sea and Indian Ocean. If India continues to ramp up its defence and economic partnerships with the U.S., Beijing can retaliate with more combative measures—either through increased military bluster along the Himalayan frontier or by using its economic clout to restrict India’s ascendance in global supply chains. The India-China competition is not merely about defence; it’s also about economic leadership. As India emerges as a credible alternative to China in world manufacturing, Beijing’s supremacy in world trade may face more pressure.
Both the Usa & India have also agreed that the extradition of Tahawwur Rana, one of the prime suspects in the 2008 Mumbai attacks, is a significant milestone in India-U.S. counterterrorism cooperation. India has long been seeking Rana’s extradition because he was instrumental in providing logistical support to the LeT terrorists behind the horrific attacks, which claimed the lives of 166 people. Along with it both sides also agreed in their joint statement that Pakistan’s territory should not be used for creating cross-border terrorism, this is important as this move creates a diplomatic deterrence against Pakistan which over the years has been the epicentre of cross-border terrorism.
Conclusion
At the centre of these trends is a simple but compelling reality: India is no longer merely a regional power. It is emerging as an international player, making decisions that impact the overall geopolitical scenario. The Modi-Trump meeting was not merely about ink on paper—it was about sculpting the global future of bilateral relations. The challenges still abound, but the U.S.-India relationship is transforming into one of the global most important alliances. As these relationships strengthen, they will likely redefine the world order, with India at the centre of the next stage of world diplomacy and security.
References:
- https://www.reuters.com/world/india/trump-aims-fair-trade-deal-with-india-this-year-2025-02-13/
- https://www.indiatvnews.com/news/world/modi-trump-meeting-2025-date-time-white-house-modi-visit-live-streaming-india-us-bilateral-talks-2025-02-12-975821
- https://www.mea.gov.in/media-briefings.htm?dtl/39068/Transcript+of+Special+briefing+by+MEA+on+Prime+Ministers+visit+to+USA+February+13+2025
- https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/pm-modi-in-us-trump-meet-live-updates-february-14-2025/article69217937.ece
- https://www.ndtv.com/world-news/pm-modi-in-us-donald-trump-inside-pm-modi-trump-meet-5th-gen-fighters-mission-500-26-11-convict-7706859
Aayush Pal is a freelance writer on contemporary geopolitical developments. The views expressed in his work are entirely his own.
Balaji Subramanian 
Shashank Pandey